Russia-Ukraine War Peace Negotiations: When, Who, How?
Based on the framework of mediation and negotiation theory, systematically analyze the diplomatic efforts, actor interactions, and process design at various stages of the Russia-Ukraine conflict since its inception, and assess the prospects and feasible pathways for future negotiations.
Detail
Published
22/12/2025
Key Chapter Title List
- Peace Negotiations – When?
- Peace Negotiations – Who?
- Who Negotiates?
- Who Mediates?
- Peace Negotiations – How?
- Exploring Potential Peace Negotiations?
- Conclusion
Document Introduction
This study aims to systematically examine, through the lens of mediation and negotiation theory, the various diplomatic efforts made by all parties to end the conflict since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The research focuses on three core questions: when negotiations should be initiated, which actors should participate (including negotiating parties and mediators), and how the negotiation process should be designed. Using the Russia-Ukraine war as a backdrop—a special type of international conflict that violates the UN Charter and attempts to overthrow the government of a sovereign state—the article explores the potential and limitations of applying mediation theory, widely used in domestic conflicts, to this high-intensity, asymmetric interstate war.
The empirical basis of the study covers various negotiation and mediation attempts that have occurred or been proposed since the outbreak of the conflict. This includes the initial direct negotiations held at the Belarusian border and in Turkey in the spring of 2022, as well as the Ukraine-led multilateral consultation process of the "Peace Formula," which excludes Russia. The analytical method combines a review of publicly available information such as news reports, public statements by negotiators, and photos of negotiation settings. It employs visual data analysis to examine the setup and interaction dynamics of different negotiation formats, while explicitly excluding secret channel communications that are difficult to assess due to information scarcity.
The article first delves into the issue of "timing," citing conflict "ripeness" theory to analyze how factors such as battlefield stalemate, perceived costs, the possibility of regime change, and pressure from external actors influence the window for initiating a serious peace process. The study points out that although both sides currently hold firm positions and Ukraine has a formal ban on negotiating with the Putin regime, battlefield attrition, changes in international support, or internal political dynamics could alter the conditions for negotiation. Simultaneously, negotiations themselves might "ripen" the conflict by establishing social connections and changing relational perceptions.
Secondly, the study provides a detailed analysis of the "who" question. At the level of negotiating parties, it reviews direct contacts from low-level officials to foreign ministers and rumors of near-agreements, pointing out that Russia's poor record of compliance leads to a severe "commitment problem," which is a major obstacle to reaching a sustainable agreement. The article also explores Ukraine's strategic considerations in shifting to promote the "Peace Formula" multilateral process that excludes Russia, as well as its innovativeness and limitations in garnering support from the Global South and building international consensus. Furthermore, the study discusses the special challenges faced by the "inclusivity" principle—which aims to incorporate broader actors such as civil society and women into peace processes—in the context of this conflict's negotiations.
Regarding mediators, the study systematically reviews mediation attempts by various parties including Turkey, the United Nations, China, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, India, Israel, Indonesia, the Vatican, Qatar, and African national delegations. It summarizes their motivations, relationships with the conflicting parties, forms of diplomatic intervention, and outcomes. The analysis indicates that successful mediation depends on the alignment of decisions among the two conflicting parties and the potential mediator, and mediators often intervene based on national interests, reputation, or specific relational ties.
Furthermore, using a framework diagram containing five negotiation formats (direct negotiation, negotiation with a mediator, shuttle diplomacy, multilateral negotiation, unilateral multilateral consultation), the article visually analyzes the characteristics and effectiveness of the various negotiation models already employed. It focuses on comparing the potential efficiency of initial small-scale direct negotiations, the "rigid" format of large formal talks, the role of shuttle diplomacy in bypassing legal restrictions (e.g., the Black Sea Grain Initiative), and the innovativeness and limitations of the current Ukraine "Peace Formula" process, which represents a "unilateral multilateral consultation" model, particularly its nature of lacking direct interaction and being more like a "declaration to the world."
Finally, based on the preceding analysis, the article explores possible formats for future potential negotiations, such as drawing on the model of the Iran nuclear negotiations to elevate talks to a multilateral geopolitical level involving the UN Security Council's P5, Ukraine, and the EU. It also discusses the pros and cons of whether negotiations should follow a "step-by-step" or a "package deal" logic, emphasizing that the final solution must be a comprehensive package involving multiple trade-offs and should be proposed and agreed upon by the conflicting parties themselves.
This study does not predict the future or propose specific solutions. Instead, it aims to provide a rigorous academic analytical framework based on the field of conflict resolution, through the theorization of existing diplomatic efforts, to understand the complexity of the peace process in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and to evaluate the potential and challenges of different negotiation pathways.
Key Chapter Title List
- Peace Negotiations – When?
- Peace Negotiations – Who?
- Who Negotiates?
- Who Mediates?
- Peace Negotiations – How?
- Exploring Potential Peace Negotiations?
- Conclusion
Document Introduction
This study aims to systematically examine, through the lens of mediation and negotiation theory, the various diplomatic efforts made by all parties to end the conflict since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The research focuses on three core questions: when negotiations should be initiated, which actors should participate (including negotiating parties and mediators), and how the negotiation process should be designed. Using the Russia-Ukraine war as a backdrop—a special type of international conflict that violates the UN Charter and attempts to overthrow the government of a sovereign state—the article explores the potential and limitations of applying mediation theory, widely used in domestic conflicts, to this high-intensity, asymmetric interstate war.
The empirical basis of the study covers various negotiation and mediation attempts that have occurred or been proposed since the outbreak of the conflict. This includes the initial direct negotiations held at the Belarusian border and in Turkey in the spring of 2022, as well as the Ukraine-led multilateral consultation process of the "Peace Formula," which excludes Russia. The analytical method combines a review of publicly available information such as news reports, public statements by negotiators, and photos of negotiation settings. It employs visual data analysis to examine the setup and interaction dynamics of different negotiation formats, while explicitly excluding secret channel communications that are difficult to assess due to information scarcity.
The article first delves into the issue of "timing," citing conflict "ripeness" theory to analyze how factors such as battlefield stalemate, perceived costs, the possibility of regime change, and pressure from external actors influence the window for initiating a serious peace process. The study points out that although both sides currently hold firm positions and Ukraine has a formal ban on negotiating with the Putin regime, battlefield attrition, changes in international support, or internal political dynamics could alter the conditions for negotiation. Simultaneously, negotiations themselves might "ripen" the conflict by establishing social connections and changing relational perceptions.
Secondly, the study provides a detailed analysis of the "who" question. At the level of negotiating parties, it reviews direct contacts from low-level officials to foreign ministers and rumors of near-agreements, pointing out that Russia's poor record of compliance leads to a severe "commitment problem," which is a major obstacle to reaching a sustainable agreement. The article also explores Ukraine's strategic considerations in shifting to promote the "Peace Formula" multilateral process that excludes Russia, as well as its innovativeness and limitations in garnering support from the Global South and building international consensus. Furthermore, the study discusses the special challenges faced by the "inclusivity" principle—which aims to incorporate broader actors such as civil society and women into peace processes—in the context of this conflict's negotiations.
Regarding mediators, the study systematically reviews mediation attempts by various parties including Turkey, the United Nations, China, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, India, Israel, Indonesia, the Vatican, Qatar, and African national delegations. It summarizes their motivations, relationships with the conflicting parties, forms of diplomatic intervention, and outcomes. The analysis indicates that successful mediation depends on the alignment of decisions among the two conflicting parties and the potential mediator, and mediators often intervene based on national interests, reputation, or specific relational ties.
Furthermore, using a framework diagram containing five negotiation formats (direct negotiation, negotiation with a mediator, shuttle diplomacy, multilateral negotiation, unilateral multilateral consultation), the article visually analyzes the characteristics and effectiveness of the various negotiation models already employed. It focuses on comparing the potential efficiency of initial small-scale direct negotiations, the "rigid" format of large formal talks, the role of shuttle diplomacy in bypassing legal restrictions (e.g., the Black Sea Grain Initiative), and the innovativeness and limitations of the current Ukraine "Peace Formula" process, which represents a "unilateral multilateral consultation" model, particularly its nature of lacking direct interaction and being more like a "declaration to the world."
Finally, based on the preceding analysis, the article explores possible formats for future potential negotiations, such as drawing on the model of the Iran nuclear negotiations to elevate talks to a multilateral geopolitical level involving the UN Security Council's P5, Ukraine, and the EU. It also discusses the pros and cons of whether negotiations should follow a "step-by-step" or a "package deal" logic, emphasizing that the final solution must be a comprehensive package involving multiple trade-offs and should be proposed and agreed upon by the conflicting parties themselves.
This study does not predict the future or propose specific solutions. Instead, it aims to provide a rigorous academic analytical framework based on the field of conflict resolution, through the theorization of existing diplomatic efforts, to understand the complexity of the peace process in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and to evaluate the potential and challenges of different negotiation pathways.